By: Janelle Bludau

But by essentially banning abortion in Texas, pro-life advocates are calling Wednesday a win and want women to know there are other options than abortion.

“We really want women to consider looking into the numerous alternatives to abortion that are available,” said Joe Pojman, Ph.D., executive director of Texas Alliance for Life. “There are hundreds of nonprofit organizations, many of them funded by the state of Texas, who have been gearing up to increase the availability of their services, for a woman with an unplanned pregnancy.”

By: Zoe Tillman, Paul McLeod

Joe Pojman, executive director of the anti-abortion group Texas Alliance for Life, said his organization is monitoring for signs of illegal abortions, including watching the Facebook pages of licensed abortion facilities in the state. But Pojman said they are not currently planning to launch any litigation and are waiting for the courts to weigh in.

“Civil enforcement has never, to this extent, been tried before,” he said. “This is new legal ground. We’re waiting to see how the federal courts will handle it.”

The result of all this is a broken system. America has one of the most permissive national abortion laws in the world: of 59 countries that allow abortion on demand, it is one of only seven that allow it after 20 weeks of pregnancy. Yet six states have only one clinic left and in a handful more women must travel hundreds of miles to find a clinic. This seems to intensify polarisation on the issue. Pro-life activists, who believe abortion is murder, focus on the regulations that the courts did not uphold. “People are frustrated…they’re trying to show the courts they’ve had enough,” says Joe Pojman, founder of Texas Alliance for Life. Abortion-rights activists and progressive lawmakers, meanwhile, are pushing hard in the opposite direction. At least seven states now have no laws governing when or for what reason a woman may have an abortion.

By: Stefano Kotsonis, Kimberly Atkins

The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a Mississippi abortion case that could spell the end of Roe v. Wade. Meanwhile, abortion restrictions are being signed into laws at an unprecedented rate. We look at the battle over abortion in 2021.

Guests
Mary Ziegler, legal historian and professor of law at the Florida State University College of Law. Author of “Abortion in America: A Legal History, Roe v. Wade to the Present” and “After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate.” (@maryrziegler)

Joan Biskupic, CNN legal analyst and Supreme Court biographer. Author of
many books, including “The Chief: The Life and Turbulent Times of Chief Justice John Roberts.” (@JoanBiskupic)

Also Featured
Elizabeth Nash, principal policy associate for state issues at the Guttmacher Institute. (@ElizNash)

Joe Pojman, executive director of the Texas Alliance for Life. (@joepojman)

By: Caroline Kitchener

The Lilith Fund was founded in 2001, when Democratic legislators still held the Texas House.

Things were different then, said Joe Pojman, the executive director of another antiabortion group, Texas Alliance for Life. In the early 2000s, antiabortion groups in Texas weren’t nearly as effective as they are today. Only one antiabortion law passed in the state in 2001, compared to 10 in 2017 and five in 2019.

Pojman has been campaigning against abortion since 1987. That year, he started pushing for a law that required minors to notify their parents before they could have an abortion.

“They didn’t need permission, just notification,” he said. “It was a very modest law.”

Still, he said, it took 12 years to pass.

Since then, there have been ups and downs for the antiabortion movement in Texas, he said. He thought it had reached a turning point in 2013, when the legislature passed a law requiring all abortion providers to have hospital admitting privileges. When the law took effect, along with other restrictions on abortion clinics, approximately half of all abortion clinics in Texas were forced to close. The law made it all the way to the Supreme Court before it was struck down in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt.

Now, Pojman tries not to be overly optimistic. Texas Alliance for Life is “neutral” on the Heartbeat Act, he said, because he feels confident it won’t make it through the courts.

Other antiabortion lobbyists, like Seago, are not so cautious.

The mood is certainly far more hopeful this session, Pojman said as he looked around the Capitol Grill, the cafeteria inside the Texas Capitol. Conservative lawmakers and lobbyists had abandoned their masks, strategizing together over lunch.

After Republicans in Texas got clobbered in the 2018 elections, when former U.S. congressman Beto O’Rourke (D-Tex.) coaxed new Democratic voters to the polls, “there was fear in the air,” Pojman said. When six other states passed six- or eight-week abortion bans in 2019, Republican legislators in Texas hung back, worried they might lose more seats if they came down hard on abortion.

All that changed after the 2020 election, Pojman said, when Democrats across the country fixated on turning Texas blue. Democratic money poured into the state — but Republicans only lost one seat, held by the lone Republican who supported abortion rights.

“That blue wave came into Texas, crashed on the rocks and went nowhere,” Pojman said.

This year, there is a mounting feeling that Texas should go big on antiabortion legislation, he said, to “show the Supreme Court that, down here in Texas, we’re pro-life.”

“The fear is gone,” he said — and legislators are willing to try anything.